Sunday, April 20, 2008

Tibetans in China: Fearing the Worst - Simon Elegant/Litang - TIME, Tuesday, Mar. 18, 2008

A flock of demonstrators are seen on a street in Lhasa in this frame grab from China's state television CCTV March 14, 2008.
A group of demonstrators are seen on a street in Lhasa in this frame grab from China's state television CCTV March 14, 2008.
CCTV / APTN / AP


Tuesday, Mar. 18, 2008

Tibetans in China: Fearing the Worst

It's early evening in Litang, a normally bustling city of some 50,000 in the far west of China's Sichuan province. On a normal day, the streets would be crowded with cars, bicycles, throngs of shoppers, even the odd yak. But today there is an eerie silence, with only the occasional resident hurrying home, eyes to the ground. The shops are all shuttered and the only vehicles on the roads are prowling police cars whose blue and red lights flash in the gathering dusk. Litang, 90% of whose population is ethnically Tibetan, is a city under siege.

Residents say that all shops have been told to remain closed, all cars are banned from within the city limits, schools are closed and few people are going to work. One local television channel ceased its regular programming, replacing it with a looped reading of a government warning, in Tibetan and Chinese, against listening to or cooperating with the "splittists of the Dalai Lama clique." Since anti-Chinese riots erupted in the Tibetan capital Lhasa on March 14 leaving at least a dozen dead, the situation in Litang has been "very difficult, very tense" says one Tibetan, dropping his voice to a whisper and turning his face away from a window as a police car passes.

It's not surprising that the city is tense. Other areas to the north and west where Tibetans are in the majority have seen demonstrations, some of them violent, in recent days. Protesters — often including Buddhist monks — condemned Chinese rule in Tibet, and expressed their support for their exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama. The authorities responded with arrests, and human rights groups and Tibetan activists report that some demonstrators were shot dead.

Such fervor in a part of China outside of the Tibet Autonomous Region comes as no real surprise — much of Sichuan had been part of Tibet when it had been an independent nation, before it was annexed by China in 1951. And Litang is a focus of Tibetan nationalism. The city has a special place in the long history of Tibetan rule in the area, and a tradition of resistance to the Chinese authorities. Two earlier Dalai Lamas were born here, and Litang was the center of a full-scale rebellion against Beijing in 1956, that was ultimately crushed when the People's Liberation Army bombed the city's ancient monastery into rubble.

Despite its past, the residents of Litang — which at a breathtaking 13,500 feet above sea level calls itself the highest town in the world — have so far ignored the example of the protesters in Tibet and neighboring regions. Perhaps most importantly, the 2,000 monks living in the magnificently rebuilt monastery that perches on a hill above the town have remained within its walls. But there's no question that the same fury that has erupted elsewhere against the often hamfisted Chinese administration and Beijing's constant vilification of the Dalai Lama is also simmering in Litang. "They control everything too tightly," says an angry Tibetan, hissing a curse under his breath as a military truck rumbles past. "They won't let us worship the way we want or have the Dalai Lama as our guide."

Most others in the city are less outspoken, even with a guarantee of anonymity. One businessman grumbles mildly at the sales he'll lose because of the lockdown. But he won't elaborate. "We can't say more or we will be smashed." He grimaces and makes as though to hit himself in the cheek with a fist.

At the monastery itself, all seems serene. Evidence of new building is everywhere, and many of the walls and frescos are newly painted in the characteristically vivid Tibetan designs. But many of the monks shy away from talking to a foreign reporter until one older devotee lifts a heavy embroidered cloth from a doorway and ushers the visitor inside a dimly lit hall where a group of thirty or so novices is chanting a sutra. In one corner, warming his hands over a glowing electrical coil, sits a senior monks swaddled in burgundy robes. "I don't know the situation outside," he says with a smile. "But this is a stable monastery. We follow the law. There won't be any trouble here in Litang."

Many others in the city express the same wish. But they, too, have a haunted look behind their smiles that betrays a deep concern about what might happen in the coming days. The Chinese authorities have effectively sealed off Lhasa, but reports from the capital speak of widespread arrests and house-to-house searches by security officials. While Litang remains more or less untouched by the troubles in Tibet proper, it will remain a symbol of coexistence in any possible compromise solution to the confrontation in which Beijing and many Tibetans now find themselves. But the city's state of grace could be fleeting: The single, potholed road that winds over mountain passes nearly 16,000 feet high to connect Litang to the rest of Sichuan was jammed today with a convoy of military trucks, perhaps 150 strong. Inside, grim-faced soldiers of the People's Armed Police sat in full combat gear clutching automatic rifles. Ominously, the convoy included five paddy wagons — and a similar number of ambulances.

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1723249,00.html


Uprising Spurns Dalai Lama's Way - Madhur Singh/Una District, Himachal Pradesh & Simon Robinson/New Delhi - TIME, Saturday, Mar. 15, 2008

Demonstrators protest on a street in Lhasa, Tibet. China moved Saturday to quell the largest and most violent protests against its rule in
Demonstrators protest on a street in Lhasa, Tibet. China moved Saturday to quell the uprising that left at least 10 people dead.
CCTV / AP

Saturday, Mar. 15, 2008

Uprising Spurns Dalai Lama's Way

Violent anti-China demonstrations in Tibet eased Saturday, and a tentative calm — and electricity supplies — returned to the Tibetan capital Lhasa following four days of unrest. China's state-run news agency said protestors had killed ten people, while Tibetan activists based in India said that at least 30, and as many as 100 had died in the protests and subsequent crackdown by security forces. The authorities on Saturday issued an ultimatum demanding that the "lawbreakers" surrender themselves by Monday, but for many Tibetans, the current uprising is a sign that the prospects for a compromise with Beijing are dimming.

The Chinese authorities blame Tibet's exiled spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, for the protests. The Tibetan government installed by Beijing alleged, in a statement released Saturday, that the demonstrations had been organized by "law- breaking monks and nuns," as part of a plan by the "Dalai Lama organization" to destabilize Tibet. Aides to the Dalai Lama said these allegations were "absolutely baseless," and that the unrest was "spontaneous." Earlier last week, the Dalai Lama told supporters gathered to commemorate the 49th anniversary of his escape to India after a failed anti-China uprising, that "repression continues to increase with numerous, unimaginable and gross violations of human rights, denial of religious freedom and politicization of religious issues," but that he would continue to advocate for dialogue with Beijing and a "�middle-way' policy."

Young Tibetans, many of them born outside their homeland, have become increasingly critical of the moderation of the Dalai Lama and other exiled leaders. Although they remain loyal to the Dalai Lama, they believe that demonstrations or even confrontation might be more effective means of securing their rights. "There are two schools of thought," says Lobsang Sangay, a Senior Fellow at the East Asian Legal Studies Program at Harvard Law School. "One says you can never trust the Chinese government because they will never negotiate peacefully, and so confrontation is the best approach. The one led by the Dalai Lama says dialogue is the best approach."

Wherever they fall in that debate, Tibetans clearly view the 2008 Beijing Olympics as a high-profile opportunity to draw attention to their cause. B. Tsering, the head of the Tibetan Women's Association, told TIME that her group and four other Tibetan organizations based in India have spent the past year planning a peaceful protest campaign timed to coincide with the buildup to the Olympics. It took dozens of meetings to agree on a strategy, in part because the groups are split over whether to demand autonomy for Tibet within China, or to press for it to become an independent state. Despite the arrest of 100 or so activists by Indian authorities three days ago, a march to the Chinese border is still underway. "This is no time for differences," Tsering says. Activists including Tsering emphasize that while protests outside Tibet were planned, the uprising in Tibet itself was spontaneous. "They have been entirely without coordination," says Tsering. "Though we're watching everything — each other — on BBC."

The protests in Tibet were spontaneous, agrees legal expert Lobsang Sangay, but a violent uprising was inevitable. The combination of simmering resentment over the failure of the Dalai Lama's six-year-long negotiations with Beijing, and the influx of Han Chinese settling in Tibet have pushed Tibetans to breaking point, says Sangay, who grew up in exile. "The frustration level has reached very, very high," he says. "If you study violent movements, when these reach a threshold when it starts to affect not only political issues but also bread and butter issues, then it crosses a line and the response becomes much more aggressive and violent and that's what's happened here."

This week's events resemble the 1959 uprising and similar protests in the late 1980s, Sangay believes, all of which followed periods of attempted dialogue. "There is a co-relationship between dialogue not working out and demonstrations, dialogue not working out and frustration growing. [When dialogue constantly fails] this type of uprising is inevitable. It's not a question of if, but when." The protestors, says Sangay, are not rejecting the Dalai Lama's call for dialogue and negotiations, but Beijing's refusal to take negotiations seriously. "It's not that the Dalai Lama is wrong," says Sangay. "It's that the Dalai Lama's approach is right but that the partner is not willing and the people see the Dalai Lama being taken for a ride."

The latest protests may mark a more serious shift towards confrontation, however. Tsering notes that this is the first time major demonstrations have taken place simultaneously inside and outside of Tibet, and that the two communities seem to be drawing encouragement from each other. There's also a sense that Tibet is fast losing the culture many Tibetans are so desperate to preserve, and that the prospects for compromise are receding. "The crucial factor is the age of the Dalai Lama," says Sangay. "Unlike the �50s and �80s, Tibetan people inside and outside are very well informed of events and what's happening around the world through radio and Internet, and they know that, for an agreement to be implemented effectively, time is a factor. Implementing an agreement, this only the Dalai Lama can do. And the Dalai Lama is 73 years old now. The sooner you do it the better. The people inside feel a sense of urgency, they want him to return to the land he belongs to. They want a closure to this tragedy of history."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1722738,00.html


China and Tibet: The Spin Campaign - Simon Elegant/Beijing - TIME, Wednesday, Mar. 26, 2008

Chinese security officers patrol near the Potala Palace, the Dalai Lama's former residence, in Lhasa, Tibet.
Chinese security officers patrol the square by the Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet.
Andy Wong/AP

Wednesday, Mar. 26, 2008

China and Tibet: The Spin Campaign

Cyberspace in China is a rough-and-tumble place, where mobs of virtual vigilantes can single out an innocent victim for public humiliation in a way that isn't common in other parts of the world. But in recent days the sights of China's netizens have been trained not on a person but on an institution: the Western media, which is being vilified as unfair, uninformed and incompetent in its coverage of the uprisings over Chinese rule in Tibet. In blogs, chatrooms, bulletin boards and even by instant message, ordinary Chinese are excoriating the international press. There's even a special website that has been launched to attack perceived media bias. Among other transgressions, the site's home page displays mistakes by German TV stations in which Nepalese police, shown in videos rounding up Tibetan protesters in Kathmandu are identified as Chinese.

"This is a struggle against Western hegemony," writes Rao Jin, a young Beijing businessman who set up the site. "The time has passed when the Western countries could try covering the sky with the lies of a few filthy mouthpieces."

Such sentiments are music to the ears of the Chinese government. Beijing has been conducting its own media attacks in an effort to blunt the global criticism for its dispatching of thousands of troops to Tibet and ethnically Tibetan areas of China to crack down on the protests that have roiled the region over the past two weeks. China's leaders fear the atmosphere surrounding the summer Olympic Games in Beijing will be poisoned by bad publicity after the riots and demonstrations. So the state-controlled media has gone into spin-control mode, portraying the events in Lhasa as race riots rather than demonstrations for Tibetan independence. TV stations have repeatedly broadcast videos of Tibetans looting Chinese shops and mugging Chinese passersby. Chinese newspapers have been filled with accounts of innocent ethnic Chinese killed in Lhasa by rampaging Tibetans, stories such as the burning to death of five young girls and a baby in a garage, and of a Chinese woman who had an ear cut off by protesters. The blitz has been working. Beijing has, to an extent, put its stamp on how these events play outside China. That may prove to be a milestone for a country better known for blank-faced stonewalling than sophisticated spin.

Of course, the cadres who manage the news have an advantage when it comes to swaying domestic opinion. Any questioning of China's sovereignty over Tibet is guaranteed to inflame the patriotic sentiments of millions of Chinese. The issue taps into a complex area of the Chinese psyche, a place where swelling national pride over the country's phenomenal economic growth intersects with a lingering bitterness over the way the Middle Kingdom was treated by the West in the century and a half leading up to the communist takeover in 1949. It's still not uncommon for foreign visitors to be subjected to lengthy lectures on the evils of colonialism and the humiliation China suffered during the Opium Wars of the mid-1800s and the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion by British, French and German forces in 1900.

Beijing has proved adept at tapping into that vein of anger, be it over the accidental U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999 or the crash of a Chinese fighter jet after a mid-air collision with a U.S. surveillance aircraft two years later. But what's different, this time, is that Beijing — with the help of citizens like Rao — has managed to influence foreign media coverage. In one example, the Washington Post amended a slideshow on its website after Chinese bloggers complained that a photo of a police crackdown in Nepal was associated with events in Tibet. The newspaper corrected the slideshow and noted online that a mistake had been made. Both the Post and the Wall Street Journal have published articles about the Chinese allegations of Western media bias.

In its handling of Tibet, Beijing has demonstrated that it is growing more adroit at managing potentially negative news stories. But it remains to be seen how long China can turn the discussion away from its own conduct in Tibet. Even President George Bush seems to be urging moderation, after trying to steer clear of the Tibet controversy, remaining largely silent while Democrats on Capitol Hill and the candidates trying to replace him have criticized China's handling of the uprising. Last month he said he intended to go to the Olympics in August regardless of unrest and human rights concerns in China. "I'm going to the Olympics," the President said after Steven Spielberg cut his ties to the Games. "I have a little different platform than Steven Spielberg, so I get to talk to President Hu Jintao." Bush exercised that prerogative on Wednesday morning, calling Hu and raising "his concerns about the situation in Tibet," according to White House Press Secretary Dana Perino. Bush "encouraged the Chinese government to engage in substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama's representatives and to allow access for journalists and diplomats."

For the moment, however, China's ethnically Tibetan areas are almost completely off-limits to foreign reporters. Beijing seems to want to, as the Chinese say, bimendagou — close the door and beat the dog, away from the prying eyes of neighbors. But unless they plan to keep that door shut until after the Olympic Games in August, reporters will eventually get back in. Maybe then we'll be able to say — without bias — just what has been going on behind closed doors. With reporting by Massimo Calabresi/Washington

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1725650,00.html


Tibet and the Ghosts of Tiananmen Bill Powell/Beijing - TIME, Monday, Mar. 17, 2008

Demonstrators kick a building during a riot in Lhasa, Tibet, in this frame grab from China's state television CCTV March 14, 2008.
Demonstrators kick a building during a riot in Lhasa, Tibet, in this frame grab from China's state television CCTV March 14, 2008.
CCTV / Reuters

Monday, Mar. 17, 2008

Tibet and the Ghosts of Tiananmen

It is still nearly five months before the Olympic torch is to be lit in Beijing, officially starting the 29th summer Olympics. But diplomats in the Chinese capital believe that a high-level game of chicken has already begun, one that has now turned deadly — first, in Lhasa, the capital of what China calls the Tibet Autonomous Region, and now elsewhere, according to Tibetan exiles and human rights groups.

Yesterday, in China's Sichuan province, at least eight bodies were brought to a Buddhist monastery in Aba prefecture, allegedly shot dead by Chinese riot control police, according to an eyewitness account quoted by Radio Free Asia. The escalating confrontation in and around Tibet is a nightmare for China's top leadership, but one, some diplomats believe, that could not have taken anyone in the central government completely by surprise. It pits the leadership in Beijing against its domestic opponents — who include not only Tibetan dissidents, but also separatist groups in the heavily Muslim region of Xinjiang, as well as human rights and political activists throughout the country.

Each side understood that the months leading up to the Games would be "extremely sensitive," as one diplomat put it. The government knew "from day one," another diplomat told TIME, that "a successful bid for the games would bring an unprecedented — and in some cases very harsh — spotlight" on China and how it is governed. On the other side, everyone from human rights activists to independence seeking dissidents in Tibet and Xinjiang — "splittists" in the Chinese vernacular — knew they would have an opportunity to push their agendas while the world was watching. "Thought the specific trigger for this in Tibet is still unclear, that it intensified so quickly is probably not just an accident," the senior diplomat says.

According to this view, it was never hard to imagine a scenario in which some group — and maybe several — would push things, try "to probe and see whether they could test limits." The critical issue, now front and center, diplomats say, is just how far angry Tibetan activists will push — and how harshly the Chinese government will push back.

How extensive the violence has been thus far is not at all clear. Tibetan exile groups claimed on Sunday that 80 people were killed in Lhasa on Mar. 13 and 14. Those claims are as yet unconfirmed by any independent reporting and Beijing says just 10 "innocent" people were killed in Lhasa. It denies any deaths elsewhere. The Dalai Lama surely stoked Beijing's anger on Sunday by claiming, from the headquarters of the Tibetan government in exile, when he accused China of "cultural genocide" against Tibetans and by declining to urge his followers in Tibet to surrender to authorities there by midnight tonight, as Beijing had demanded.

Thus, the dilemma for the Chinese leadership is clear. "They need to get this under control, but to do so without a lot of brutality," the diplomat says. The reason for that is clear enough: the memory of Tiananmen Square, undeniably, now hangs in the background as the crisis in Tibet unfolds in this, the year of China's grand coming-out party. The scale of the unrest in the Tibet Autonomous Region — as well as the threat they pose to the Communist Party leadership — doesn't compare to the massive political demonstrations in Tiananmen Square in 1989, which were brutally put down by Chinese military troops. But the issue, at bottom, was the same: how to respond? And here, China may well understand that 1989 was a long time ago. Beijing in those days could literally pull the plug on CNN and Dan Rather and then thumb its nose at the rest of the world. "It couldn't do that today even if it wanted to, and I don't think it does," the senior diplomat says.

China understands well, this diplomat says, that the world is carefully gauging how it responds to the unrest. He notes that initial reports out of Lhasa had the People's Armed Police, an anti-riot squad, responding to the demonstrations — not the potentially much more lethal People's Liberation Army. The problem for China is that the unrest, while apparently contained for the moment in Lhasa, spread to other cities on Sunday. The government's dilemma is obvious: if Beijing insists publicly — and actually believes — it has been relatively restrained in its response to the unrest so far, what happens if it continues? "Knowing full well that something like this — maybe not as intense, but something of this sort — was likely to come before the Olympics," says the diplomat, "is different than knowing exactly what to do when it comes. I'm not sure the leadership has a specific playbook for it." Let's just hope it doesn't reach for the old one, circa the spring of 1989.

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1722883,00.html


A Tibetan Exile's Tale - Simon Robinson/Kathmandu - TIME, Monday, Mar. 17, 2008

lhasa tibet
China's state television CCTV shows a boy being taken by force along a street in the Tibetan capital Lhasa.
AFP / Getty

Monday, Mar. 17, 2008

A Tibetan Exile's Tale

Phuntsok arrived in this polluted, traffic-crammed city six days ago, dusty and weary after a 15-day journey from Tibet, a small duffle and a handful of clothes his only possessions. He was happy to have made it out, he says. Or rather he was happy until he phoned home to Lhasa to hear the news: Tibet was on fire and the same anger and frustration that had pushed Phuntsok to leave his homeland at the age of just 17 was now being turned against Chinese police and the shops and houses of recent Chinese migrants by his fellow Tibetans. "I left too early," he says. "I wish I could be there with the protesters. I don't care if I die. I actually would like the opportunity to die alongside my relatives and friends." In that first phone call home to his parents, he says, he learned that his 19-year-old cousin had joined the demonstrators and been shot dead by Chinese police. "I should have been there," says Phuntsok calmly.

The young man had been thinking about fleeing Tibet for years. "Education in Tibet is a waste of money," he says. "They don't teach us anything about Tibetan history, just Chinese. And then when we finish school there are no opportunities for Tibetans. All the jobs go to Chinese people." The protests, his family and friends in Lhasa told him by phone, began when a group of monks started marching to mark the 49th anniversary of an uprising against Beijing's rule. When Chinese security forces began beating and shooting the monks "the students joined in and stood up for the monks and all this frustration erupted."

Phuntsok says he told only one or two people of his plans before he left Lhasa in late February, sneaking out of the city late at night. It was school vacation time and he set off for Nepal. As he neared the border, Chinese police in a Tibetan town called Nyalam stopped him and interrogated him for about half an hour, he says. He told them he was visiting relatives. They searched his bag but found only clothes and let him go. He assumes they thought he would be carrying more if he was planning on leaving Tibet for good. At the border, local Nepalese showed him a route many Tibetans use to bypass the official border post. "All the way I have not worried about dying," says Phuntsok. "I was thinking, 'well, come what may' and 'if I cross I will get an audience with the Dalai Lama.'"

He is lucky to have made it this far. At a Tibetan center in Kathmandu where he is staying, the number of people arriving from Tibet has plunged over the past year. Records at the center, which processes refugees and then sends them on to a new life in India, show that up until 2006, some 400 to 500 people a month were making it out of Tibet and into Nepal during the peak winter season, when many Tibetans flee because evading Chinese detection is easier. But since early 2007 the monthly figure during winter has fallen by half. In January, 221 Tibetan refugees arrived at the center. In February just 64 did. "I think it is because of the Olympics coming," says a registration and administration officer at the center. "China has restricted the movement of Tibetans and we do not expect many people until the Olympics are finished. China doesn't want to face protests — and have new stories about what is happening inside Tibet known."

But some, like Phuntsok, get through. "I'm very excited that I might see His Holiness the Dalai Lama when I get to India," says Phuntsok. "I'm sure tears will roll down my cheeks and I will pray and not be able to say any words." Asked what he would he tell the Dalai Lama about life in Tibet now, he says: "That I have wasted so many years in Tibet and that there is no right to learn about our own culture there and no opportunities to work. That we need freedom and need for His Holiness to live in Tibet with all the Tibetans." How will that ever happen? "If the Chinese withdraw their violent forces," says Phuntsok, "then this will be the answer." An answer, maybe, but hardly a plan.

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1722912,00.html


A Tibetan Intifadeh Against China - Simon Elegant/Beijing, TIME, Friday, Mar. 14, 2008

Tibetan marchers arrested
Tibetan marchers are arrested by police officials on March 13
AFP / Getty Images


Friday, Mar. 14, 2008

A Tibetan Intifadeh Against China

Fresh protests broke out in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa on Friday, with indications that what had until now been peaceful demonstrations have turned violent. Varying numbers of casualties have been reported among clashes that residents, academics and activists say have erupted between Tibetans and Chinese security forces, with accounts of gunfire, police cars burning, and bodies in the streets. Whatever the outcome, though, it seemed to be a turning point in the history of Tibet and perhaps also China. "This is massive," said one Tibet specialist who was in touch with many Lhasa residents, "it is the intifadeh. And it will be a long, long time before this ends, whatever happens today or tomorrow."

While the scale of the protests and the temper of the reaction by Chinese authorities remain to be seen, the outbreak of violence was an ominous sign for Tibet, where resentment against Chinese rule has been simmering for years. An already tense situation has been exacerbated by China's sensitivity about its human rights image ahead of the staging of the Olympic Games in Beijing in August. Some observers argue that what appeared to be carefully planned and executed protests — the first on such a scale in nearly two decades — were likely deliberately timed to take advantage of the media attention focused on the upcoming Games.

The demonstrations began on March 9 when hundreds of monks from three large monasteries on the outskirts of the city, Drepung, Sera and Ganden, attempted to enter Lhasa to commemorate an uprising against Chinese rule in 1959 that was ruthlessly suppressed with hundreds of protesters reportedly killed. The Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, was forced to flee Lhasa for refuge in India, where he has lived in exile ever since. (Chinese troops occupied Tibet in 1949 when the Communists finally claimed victory in the country's prolonged civil war).

The anniversary protests had passed peacefully — until now. "The Chinese response had been extraordinarily restrained, which is amazing," says Robert Barnett, professor of Contemporary Tibetan Studies at Columbia University. Barnett and others say that paramilitary police blocked at least three attempts by monks from each of the three monasteries to enter the capital. Later the monasteries were surrounded by armed police. Some monks responded in one monastery by reportedly going on hunger strike while there were reports of attempted suicides at another.

That pattern of protest was a repeat of the last time Lhasa saw large-scale anti-Beijing demonstrations in March 1989, an escalating series of clashes that ended with troops killing scores of protesters and the declaration of martial law.

The Chinese administration of Tibet in the last two years or so has been particularly harsh and provocative, says Barnett, who attributes the tone to the Communist Party Secretary for Tibet, Zhang Qingli. "He is the Rottweiler of the Chinese establishment and has been extremely provocative. He even said once that the Communist Party was Buddha, not the Dalai Lama."

Other observers pointed to the opening of a new train line linking Beijing with Lhasa in July 2006 as a turning point. Whereas previously the only access to Lhasa had been through a bone-shaking, two day bus ride or an exorbitant plane ride, the cheaply priced train has doubled the number of tourists entering Tibet and made access much easier for tens of thousands of Chinese seeking to cash in on a local economy juiced by billions of dollars of investment from Beijing. Chinese already outnumber ethnic Tibetans in Lhasa, and many Tibetans felt that they might end up as strangers in their own country, a fate suffered by Mongolians in Chinese-administered Inner Mongolia.

"It used to be the Tibetans were protesting against Chinese rule," says Nicholas Bequelin, China researcher with New York-based Human Rights Watch. "But now they're protesting against the destruction of their whole civilization, their whole world. They feel that they are doomed if they don't do something. And when people feel that desperation there's no knowing what it could lead them to do."

That desperation may only increase, as Beijing appears unwilling to making any conciliatory move. In a familiar phrasing, Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang bitterly criticized the Dalai Lama on March 13, blaming the protests on "a political conspiracy schemed by the Dalai group, aiming to separate Tibet from China and to destroy the normal, harmonious and peaceful life of the Tibetan people."

Beijing is particularly incapable of flexibility when it comes to policy toward ethnic areas of the country because it fears that any sign of weakness could open up the floodgates and lead to widespread demand for autonomy in other areas such as the Muslim province of Xinjiang. "There is just no safety valve for ethnic issues in China," says Bequelin. "It remains one of the most retrograde areas of policy. They just don't have the tools to handle something like this."

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1722509,00.html


The Dalai Lama's Dilemma - Madhur Singh/Dharamsala, TIME, Tuesday, Mar. 18, 2008

Tibetan spiritual leader His holiness the Dalai Lama gestures while answering media questions in Dharamshala on March 16, 2008.
Tibetan spiritual leader His Holiness the Dalai Lama gestures while answering media questions in Dharamshala on March 16, 2008.
Reuters


Tuesday, Mar. 18, 2008

The Dalai Lama's Dilemma

Who'd want to be the Dalai Lama? Bearing the burden of an entire people's frustration, anger and despair over half a century can't be easy at the best of times for their exiled spiritual leader. But since the anti-Chinese demonstrations began in and outside Tibet on March 10, the Dalai Lama has found himself confronting a swelling tide of opposition and defiance from within his community. So, on the one hand, he has to contend with Beijing calling him the mastermind of the violent protests in Lhasa, and to walk a diplomatic tightrope with the Indian authorities that host his government-in-exile but value their relationship with China; on the other hand he has to try and rein in the more violent and provocative elements among Tibetans whose actions, he fears, will damage his people's cause.

For a brief moment on Tuesday, the usually unflappable Dalai Lama let his frustration show, when he told reporters in Dharamsala, "If things are getting out of control, then the option is to completely resign, completely resign!" he said, waving his arms for emphasis. He said he would meet on Wednesday with Tibetan marchers trying to cross the border from India and tell them to stop, as they are "making things difficult for the Indian government". He added, "What's the use of some clash with Chinese soldiers on the border?"

The Dalai Lama's comments came as a dampener for organizers of the Tibetan People's Uprising Movement, who had been hoping that if the Dalai Lama could not lend his support to the march, he would at least refrain from opposing it. Four of the five organizations involved in the movement oppose the Dalai Lama's "middle path" approach of seeking dialogue with the Chinese leadership in search of a "genuine" autonomy for Tibet. They want direct action to seek independence from China, and they want to it now, while the world is watching China as it prepares to host the Olympic Games this summer.

Earlier on Monday, march organizers had reacted with stunned disbelief to an announcement by Prime Minister Samdhong Rinpoche of the Tibetan government-in-exile that it would form a committee to coordinate all the protests within India. Some were peeved that the government was trying to steal their show, while others worried it would leave the protests hamstrung. "As a youth movement, we can protest in various ways," said Tsering Choedup, one of the coordinators of the march, "but if the government comes in, bureaucracy and diplomacy will take over." Once the Tibetan government-in-exile was in charge, those marching to Tibet in defiance of an Indian government ban would have to stop, while further protests outside Chinese embassies would also be ruled out.

Before the intervention of the Dalai Lama, India-based Tibetan activists believed they had the momentum. "The scale of the uprising, its spread, is wider than 1959," Tenzin Tsundue, a charismatic Tibetan writer-activist, told TIME from Indian police detention in Jwalamukhi. "We've achieved in three days what we were hoping to achieve in three months." Tsundue had been among the first batch of 101 marchers held on Thursday by Indian authorities. Organizers were also hoping the protests within Tibet and China would gather steam. "Much as we are sad for our brothers and sisters in Tibet, we want the protests to continue," said B. Tsering, president of the Tibetan Women's Association. But since the passing of the Chinese deadline for the protestors to surrender at midnight Monday, the organizers of the protests in India have been treading a thin line between hope and despair — protests seem to have calmed down in Tibet and China, but every news of new protests and arrests brings a tiny blip of hope. They're far from ready to give up the protest altogether. Asked if they'd stop the march if asked to do so by the Dalai Lama, Tsewang Rigzin, president of the Tibetan Youth Congress, answered with an emphatic: "No." The schism within Tibetan ranks is set to widen.

http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1723265,00.html